By Kim M. Williams
Mark a number of tells the little-known tale of the fight to incorporate a multiracial class at the U.S. census, and the profound alterations it wrought within the American political landscape. The move so as to add a multiracial classification to the 2000 U.S. Census provoked unheard of debates approximately race. the hassle made for unusual bedfellows. Republicans like apartment Speaker Newt Gingrich and affirmative motion opponent Ward Connerly took up the multiracial reason. Civil rights leaders adversarial the circulation at the premise that it had the capability to dilute the census count number of conventional minority teams. The activists themselves—a free confederation of agencies, many led via the white moms of interracial children—wanted popularity. What they acquired was once the transformation of racial politics in America. Mark a number of is the compelling account of the way this small circulation sparked a massive switch, and a relocating name to re-evaluate the which means of racial id in American life. Kim M. Williams is affiliate Professor of Public coverage in Harvard's Kennedy university of presidency, and knowledgeable in racial and ethnic politics and political movements.
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Additional resources for Mark One or More: Civil Rights in Multiracial America (The Politics of Race and Ethnicity)
In between, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 stand as towering achievements; together, they dismantled the structure of black disenfranchisement in the South and various types of public and private discrimination throughout the United States. In the process, racial statistics became valuable to American minority groups in new ways. In implementing and regulating the Civil Rights Act, for instance, racial statistics became important in order to identify the number of minorities employed in ‹rms and the racial composition of schools.
Gingles decision established three preconditions that plaintiffs asserting a vote dilution claim under Section 2 must prove. The minority group must be suf‹ciently large and geographically compact; it must exhibit political cohesion (that is, its members must vote in a similar fashion); and the white electorate must vote in a bloc, enabling whites usually to defeat the preferred candidate of minority groups. Johnson v. De Grandy (1994) established these as necessary but not suf‹cient circumstances, and subsequent cases added more conditions.
The OMB was openly acknowledging the need for a reassessment of the status quo, and AMEA was part of the process. As former AMEA secretary and IMAGE founder (table 1) Jan Carpenter Tucker said in a personal interview, “we were all so excited . . ”43 Unstable electoral alliances further served to amplify the call for a multiracial category on the census. The 104th Congress was the ‹rst in forty years in which the Republican Party controlled the House of Representatives and the ‹rst Republican Congress in forty-six years to face a Democratic president.
Mark One or More: Civil Rights in Multiracial America (The Politics of Race and Ethnicity) by Kim M. Williams