By Catherine Simpson Bueker
Bueker unearths that naturalizing and vote casting are targeted techniques. degrees of schooling, source of revenue, and size of eligibility, expect either strategies, yet an immigrant’s kingdom of starting place usually overrides those different features and works another way in each one. Immigrants from international locations with the top chance of naturalizing are inclined to have the bottom odds of voter turnout, whereas these immigrants from nations with the bottom odds of citizenship acquisition are the main prone to vote, as soon as naturalized. additional, kingdom of beginning concerns as a lot for the way it interacts with different key features, similar to schooling and source of revenue, as for the self sustaining impact it exerts on those political tactics.
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Additional info for From Immigrant to Naturalized Citizen: Political Incorporation in the United States (The New Americans: Recent Immigration and American Society)
5%, have naturalized. This is followed by Filipinos, Cubans, and former Soviets, groups with rates of citizenship acquisition well over 60%. Canadians, Britons, Chinese, Southeast Asians, and Indians all follow, with naturalization rates ranging from about 50-55%. S. citizens, a dramatic drop-off from the other immigrant groups under examination in this study. Also of note is the economic and educational diversity among groups. For example, two thirds of Mexicans have less than a highschool diploma, while less than one tenth of Britons and Indians fall 48 From Immigrant to Naturalized Citizen into this category.
Case studies (Jones-Correa, 1998; Karpathakis, 1999; Rivera-Salgado, 1999) have provided us with insights into the mechanisms encouraging or discouraging political incorporation, but their general applicability is limited without further empirical testing. Theoretical works (Harles, 1993; Plotke, 1999) similarly contribute to the discussion, but without rigorous empirical testing, they remain hypotheses to be explored. Others have “made due” with the quantitative data available, or have even collected their own survey data (de la Garza & DeSipio, 1992, 1996).
The significance and direction is similar in both models, but the results are more easily interpreted with the categorical version. Assessing Immigrant Political Activity 37 characteristic. I have allowed the level of freedom in the country of origin to vary by year of immigrant entry to the United States to more precisely measure the civic and political conditions in the country of origin when the individual migrated to the United States. In actuality, however, the level of freedom, or lack thereof, has remained very stable for most countries over the 30-year period this information has been collected.
From Immigrant to Naturalized Citizen: Political Incorporation in the United States (The New Americans: Recent Immigration and American Society) by Catherine Simpson Bueker