By James L. Huston
Whereas slavery is frequently on the center of debates over the factors of the Civil battle, historians usually are not agreed on accurately what point of slavery-with its quite a few social, financial, political, cultural, and ethical ramifications-gave upward thrust to the sectional rift. In Calculating the price of the Union, James Huston integrates monetary, social, and political historical past to argue that the problem of estate rights as they pertained to slavery was once on the middle of the Civil struggle. within the early years of the 19th century, southern slaveholders sought a countrywide definition of estate rights that may realize and guard their possession of slaves. Northern pursuits, nevertheless, antagonistic any nationwide interpretation of estate rights a result of probability slavery posed to the northern unfastened exertions marketplace, relatively if allowed to unfold to western territories. This deadlock sparked a means of political realignment that culminated within the construction of the Republican get together, finally resulting in the secession challenge. Deeply researched and punctiliously written, this examine rebuts fresh traits in antebellum historiography and persuasively argues for a essentially monetary interpretation of the slavery factor and the arriving of the Civil struggle.
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Additional resources for Calculating the Value of the Union: Slavery, Property Rights, and the Economic Origins of the Civil War (Civil War America)
A few elements of that table require elaboration as they play a role in one way or another in several parts of this book. The ﬁrst aspect of the table is the superﬁcial realization of the overwhelming population advantage of the nonslaveholding states. In fact, three Garantuas ruled antebellum America: New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio alone accounted for nearly one-third of the nation’s population. And in the category of white males, one can read the potential political supremacy of the North, for until the 1870s white males mostly accounted for political representation.
Because property is so crucial to any society that has anything like a market system for exchange of commodities—and early American society was at least a potential market society—the forces determining the social deﬁnition of property require some comment and observation. The determination of what constitutes property is distinctly a nonmarket operation. Governments, for whatever reasons, declare what shall and shall not be considered property. The decision probably reﬂects values of the society, the state of its technology, and the control various groups may exercise over legislation.
4). But in the South, slaves were not exactly population, especially in connection with the subject of wealth. 4 are not adjusted for the free black population in the North because the numbers are so small) but the wealth per white capita in the South leaps far beyond the free states. 4 shows, the highest ranking states in wealth per white capita are exactly the seven states, with the exception of Connecticut, that seceded the Union in the winter of 1860–61. After those states comes the parade of the border slave states.
Calculating the Value of the Union: Slavery, Property Rights, and the Economic Origins of the Civil War (Civil War America) by James L. Huston